By Daniel Cotlear
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Additional resources for A New Social Contract for Peru: An Agenda for Improving Education, Health Care, and the Social Safety Net
This pattern exists for school education (pre-primary, primary, and secondary), all MINSA programs (SIS, primary care), and for all the social assistance programs for which data are available. In education and in health care, the pro-poor distribution of the programs is the results of household behavior: the poorer households have more children than the richer 5. The household surveys do not include independent information about PACFO, which is thought to be among the most pro-poor programs. A New Social Contract for Peru 17 households, so they beneﬁt more from public schools and clinics.
Also, while some of the increase in spending went to strengthen the budget of traditional hospitals and schools, most went to ﬁnance new infrastructure in education and new programs in health and social assistance. Much of the new expenditure was directed to rural and peri-urban areas and to programs that were implemented by community groups, instead of by government agencies. In other words, most of the new funds were used to ﬁnance programs that circumvented the traditional corporation, particularly in health, education, and social assistance.
Beneﬁts paid to the small fraction of the population with access to the social insurance programs are high and comparable to beneﬁts paid by similar programs in other countries in LAC. Beneﬁts of the social assistance programs (also known in Peru as antipoverty programs) by contrast are very low in value; the monthly value is estimated to be equivalent to 12 percent of the average value of similar programs in neighboring countries. The small beneﬁt per program has led to a signiﬁcant group of households that participate in multiple programs.
A New Social Contract for Peru: An Agenda for Improving Education, Health Care, and the Social Safety Net by Daniel Cotlear